Slouching Towards Oblivion

Showing posts with label rule of law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label rule of law. Show all posts

Thursday, February 23, 2023

It's A Fight

... because we can always find something to fight about.

Kennett High School student Ben Rieser, student Emma Gallant, art teacher Olivia Benish
and student Morgan Carr pose with the mural they painted for Leavitt’s Country Bakery (Justin Chafee)

First - The object in question is, IMO, a sign because it satisfies the description in the ordinance.

Second - So fucking what?

Third - Rules is rules

Let the wrangling begin.


Students painted a mural for a bakery. The town wants it removed.

In a small New Hampshire tourist town, the front of a roadside bakery is adorned with an image of the sun rising over a row of doughnuts, muffins and other pastries.

Whether that painting is a mural or a sign will determine whether the high school students who created it will see it taken down.

The Conway, N.H., community has been captivated for months by a dispute, previously reported by the Conway Daily News, over whether the art project is considered a sign under the municipal code. The town says yes, because the painting shows baked goods — and that the image exceeds the legal size limit for signs. The owner of Leavitt’s Country Bakery says no — and, in a federal lawsuit, contends the town ordinance violates the First Amendment.

“We didn’t want to take the mural down,” said the owner, Sean Young. “At first I was just upset for the kids, and I didn’t feel that they were right in telling us that it wasn’t art.”

Later, Young said, the disagreement became a matter of principle. In the lawsuit filed last month, he argues that the ordinance is unconstitutional. The suit claims that because the law defines a sign by what images it shows, it discriminates based on the content of the speech and the identity of the speaker.

Conway officials say they are upholding the will of the citizens who voted to pass the sign ordinance, and they point out that they have not enforced the rule against Leavitt’s through fines or other consequences.

The saga began last spring, when a friend of Young’s heard that another friend, local art teacher Olivia Benish, wanted to get her students involved in the town and noticed the bakery was essentially a blank canvas. Young had bought the decades-old Leavitt’s, once deemed “the unofficial town hall of Conway,” in 2021 and quickly led it to the prime spot on a list of best doughnuts in New Hampshire.

When he connected with the five Kennett High School students, he gave them free rein to create any image. The team talked about the need to avoid painting the Leavitt’s name or logo on the mural, Benish said. They did not want anyone to confuse it for a sign.

“I thought we were aware,” the teacher said. “Obviously, I was not completely aware, because I had never imagined it becoming what it has become.”

Benish brought Leavitt’s doughnuts to school one day, and the group began brainstorming. They considered ideas centered on the character of their northeast New Hampshire region, which attracts skiers in the winter and hikers and water tubers in the summer.

Maybe, the students thought, the mural could show people floating down the Saco River on doughnuts. Or it could display the sun as a doughnut over the White Mountains, which blanket roughly one-quarter of the state.

When the group landed on a design, they spent about five weeks painting it on exterior-grade panels and sealing them with primer. A community member hung the panels on Leavitt’s — the first time Young saw the image. He said he had not wanted to dictate to the students what they should create.

“There were plenty of people in town who wanted to be on committee to decide what the kids paint,” said Young, 51. “I said it was up to the kids.”

About a week after the painting’s unveiling, a municipal code enforcement officer stopped by Leavitt’s. He had seen an article about the painting in the local newspaper and felt compelled to act. The mural was actually a sign, he said, and it was roughly four times as big as was allowed.

Young could not afford the $275 per day that he could be fined for disobeying the statute. He was still finding his footing with the business, he said, and had not even paid himself a salary yet. He also did not want to risk being charged with a misdemeanor for violating the code.

So in August, Young urged Conway’s zoning board members to overrule the enforcement officer’s assessment that the painting was a sign. They denied his request.

Then Young requested a variance to keep the painting on the store. The board said no. When Young asked for a rehearing, the panel turned him down again.

To town leadership, getting Young to remove the painting is a matter of fairness to the residents who approved the zoning provisions. Zoning board chair John Colbath said the rule, as written, considers an image on a business to be a sign if it represents a product that the business sells.

“It’s a zoning ordinance, which was enacted by the legislative body, which are the voters of the town who are here,” he said at the August meeting. “And there is a process for changing it if they don’t like it.”

Luigi Bartolomeo, another zoning board member, said the ordinance is painfully vague. Still, he voted to uphold the code enforcement officer’s judgment that the painting is a sign.

They died leaving labors of love undone. Strangers complete their work.

Throughout the process, many in the community rallied behind Leavitt’s. More than a dozen customers each day have been expressing support, Young said. A local tattoo shop asked Benish if it could raise money for the high school art department. Residents packed the room for the August zoning board meeting.

“I just feel that the gray area of the sign definition — I don’t feel something related to kids doing artwork is the time to be trying to define that,” Shawn Foss, a longtime Leavitt’s customer, told the board.

Benish said she is disappointed by the controversy. She feels sorry for the students who poured their hearts into the painting, and she wonders whether she will get a chance to lead other public art projects.

One of Benish’s students who worked on the painting feels that the situation has dragged on for too long. Ben Rieser, 18, said that at first he loved seeing his work displayed in town. But he and the other students accidentally created a sign, and Leavitt’s should have taken it down as soon as the mistake was realized, Rieser wrote in an assignment completed for his English class and shared with The Washington Post.

“I don’t want to see it up there any more,” he wrote, “because it has turned into something political and not artistic.”

In early January, the lawsuit says, the town sent Young a letter threatening enforcement of the ordinance. Town attorney Jason Dennis said the municipality asked Leavitt’s to take down the painting temporarily and never got an answer.

With the help of the Institute for Justice, a libertarian-leaning public interest law firm, Young filed a legal challenge. A judge this month ordered the town not to enforce the ordinance until further notice.

Both sides of the dispute see a potential solution ahead: A proposed ordinance scheduled for a vote in April would define a graphic as a sign only if its main purpose is to advertise. Young and the town agree that if the rule takes effect, the students’ painting probably would no longer be considered a sign.

“For me, my legal opinion is that if this passes, Leavitt’s sign could stay,” Dennis said at a planning board meeting last month.

If voters reject the proposal, Young said, the lawsuit will continue. He sees the disagreement as a free-speech issue, and he does not want to let down the people who are rooting for him.

“Now that everyone’s watching,” Young said, “we have to follow through with this.”

Friday, January 13, 2023

Today's Oy


We are the stoopid country.

In what has to be the absolute epitome of elitist bullshit, we've decided corporations can be tried for, and convicted of, and punished for their crimes as if they are in fact people - but somehow the people who benefit greatly from the illegal operations of those corporations just kinda skate by.

To be sure, Weisselberg isn't skating - even a few months at Riker's Island is a possible life sentence for a 75-year-old - but these decisions, and the way the law apparently works, makes it look like he's just the patsy on this caper, and the company gets barely a slap on the wrist, having been ordered to pay a lousy million-six for 15 years of fraud.

Fifteen years

And excuse me, but what about the guy whose name is on the letterhead? 

Can somebody please tell me - what's the fuckin' point here?


Donald Trump's company to be sentenced for 15-year tax fraud

NEW YORK, Jan 13 (Reuters) - Donald Trump on Friday will learn how the company that bears the former U.S. president's name will be punished after being found guilty of scheming to defraud tax authorities for 15 years.

A New York state judge will impose the sentence after jurors in Manhattan found two Trump Organization affiliates guilty of 17 criminal charges last month.

The sentencing comes three days after Justice Juan Merchan of the Manhattan criminal court ordered Allen Weisselberg, who worked for Trump's family for a half-century and was the company's former chief financial officer, to jail for five months after he testified as the prosecution's star witness.

Trump's company faces only a maximum $1.6 million penalty, but has said it plans to appeal. No one else was charged or faces jail time in the case.

Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg's office, which brought the case, is still conducting a criminal probe into Trump's business practices.

Bill Black, a professor at the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law specializing in white-collar crime, called the expected penalty a "rounding error" that offers "zero deterrence" to others, including Trump.

"This is a farce," he said. "No one will stop committing these kinds of crimes because of this sentence."


The case has long been a thorn in the side of the Republican former president, who calls it part of a witch hunt by Democrats who dislike him and his politics.

Trump also faces a $250 million civil lawsuit by state Attorney General Letitia James accusing him and his adult children Donald Trump Jr., Ivanka Trump and Eric Trump of inflating his net worth and the value of his company's assets to save money on loans and insurance.

Bragg and James are Democrats, as is Bragg's predecessor Cyrus Vance, who brought the criminal case. Trump is seeking the presidency in 2024, after losing his re-election bid in 2020.

At a four-week trial, prosecutors offered evidence that Trump's company covered personal expenses such as rent and car leases for executives without reporting them as income, and pretended that Christmas bonuses were non-employee compensation.

Trump himself signed bonus checks, prosecutors said, as well as the lease on Weisselberg's luxury Manhattan apartment and private school tuition for the CFO's grandchildren.

"The whole narrative that Donald Trump was blissfully ignorant is just not real," Assistant District Attorney Joshua Steinglass told jurors in his closing argument.

Weisselberg's testimony helped convict the company, though he said Trump was not part of the fraud scheme. He also refused to help Bragg in his broader investigation into Trump.

The Trump Organization had put Weisselberg on paid leave until they severed ties this week. His lawyer said the split, announced on Tuesday, was amicable.

Weisselberg, 75, is serving his sentence in New York City's notorious Rikers Island jail.

State law limits the penalties that Justice Merchan can impose on Trump's company. A corporation can be fined up to $250,000 for each tax-related count and $10,000 for each non-tax count.

Trump faces several other legal woes, including probes related to the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, his retention of classified documents after leaving the White House, and efforts to overturn his 2020 election loss in Georgia.

Saturday, October 22, 2022

The Smoking eMail


Add this to the mountainous pile of hard evidence that Trump is fucking crook. And then marvel in disgust at how little it seems to matter to way too many people in this currently really fucked up country.


Exclusive: Emails reveal warning to Trump team about fraud claims

A senior White House lawyer expressed concerns to President Trump's advisers and attorneys about the president signing a sworn court statement verifying inaccurate evidence of voter fraud, according to emails from December 2020 obtained by Axios.

Why it matters:
  • The emails shed new light on a federal judge's explosive finding Wednesday that Trump knew specific instances of voter fraud in Georgia had been debunked, but continued to tout them both in public and under oath.While the judge's opinion stemmed from litigation related to the House's Jan. 6 committee, the Justice Department is also conducting a criminal investigation into Trump and his allies' scheme to stop Congress from certifying Joe Biden's Electoral College victory.
  • Eric Herschmann, the former White House lawyer who cautioned Trump's outside attorneys about the inaccurate allegations of voter fraud in Georgia, was subpoenaed this summer to testify in the DOJ investigation.
Background:
  • U.S. District Court Judge David Carter is presiding over the House Jan. 6 committee's attempt to subpoena communications from conservative lawyer John Eastman, one of the architects of the scheme to overturn the election.After a review of hundreds of emails that Eastman claimed were privileged, Judge Carter determined some should be turned over to the Jan. 6 committee — finding they were "sufficiently related to and in furtherance of a conspiracy to defraud the United States."
  • In one email cited in Judge Carter's opinion, Eastman told Trump's team that the president had been made aware that some of the allegations and evidence of voter fraud used in a Georgia election lawsuit were inaccurate.
  • That suit was later moved to federal court. "For him to sign a new verification with that knowledge (and incorporation by reference) would not be accurate," Eastman wrote, according to the judge's order.
Worth noting:
  • The lawsuit that was filed in federal court contained a footnote stating that Trump was only relying on voter data that was provided to him, and that it was subject to changes based on the outcome of government investigations."But, by his attorneys' own admissions, the information provided to him was that the alleged voter fraud numbers were inaccurate," Judge Carter wrote in his opinion, accusing Trump's lawyers of seeking to "disclaim his responsibility over the misleading allegations."
Driving the news:
  • The emails obtained by Axios — which have also come to the attention of the Jan. 6 committee and DOJ, according to a source with direct knowledge — show correspondence between Herschmann, then-White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, and conservative activist and outside attorney Cleta Mitchell. Trump's executive assistant Molly Michael is CC'ed.On Dec. 30, Mitchell emailed Meadows what she described as an "almost final version" of a lawsuit set to be filed in federal court against Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp and Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger. "Remember, we were talked into this by others," wrote Mitchell, a key player in Trump's efforts to overturn the 2020 election.
  • The next day, Mitchell sent a draft of the lawsuit to Herschmann in response to apparent concerns he had raised, writing: "This is the version from John Eastman with your edits."
  • Herschmann responded: "I will review now. I didn't send John edits, I explained that I was concerned about the President signing a verification about facts that may not be sustainable upon detailed scrutiny. I think that we should limit specific factual 'number' allegations to those that are necessary i.e., those allegations that demonstrate that the decision is outcome determinative."
What they're saying:
  • A spokesman for Trump did not respond to a request for comment. But in a post on Truth Social Thursday, the former president attacked Judge Carter as a "partisan hack" who "shouldn't be making statements about me until he understands the facts, which he doesn’t!"Herschmann said in a statement to Axios: "I am not discussing my conversations with the president or the surrounding circumstances."
  • Charles Burnham, an attorney for John Eastman, told Axios: "We have extensive privileged communications regarding Mr. Herschmann's cooperation in securing the President's signed verification. If that privilege were ever to be waived we would be pleased to discuss the contents of those communications."
  • George Terwilliger, an attorney for Meadows, declined to comment. Mitchell did not respond to a request for comment.
Between the lines:
  • One tactic used by the Trump campaign and White House lawyers — who were frequently at odds with the outside lawyers pushing the most expansive claims of election fraud — was to press the outside lawyers to show "outcome determinative" evidence of fraud.In this case it meant showing that they had evidence there were more fraudulent ballots than the margin of victory for Biden (which was 11,779 votes in Georgia).
  • In a now infamous phone call first reported by the Washington Post, Trump asked Raffensperger on Jan. 2, 2021, "to find 11,780 votes, which is one more than we have."
Behind the scenes:
  • With 30 minutes to midnight on New Year's Eve, 2020, Mitchell sent an email suggesting she was frustrated at Herschmann for slowing down the process and asking him to get on a call "ASAP" with other members of Trump's outside legal team.The relationship between Mitchell and Herschmann was already strained in the days leading up to the New Year's Eve email exchange, according to three sources familiar with the situation. It included a heated phone call between Herschmann and Mitchell, while Herschmann was sitting in the outer Oval.
  • Trump's executive assistant had shown Herschmann a document that had come in from outside lawyers. It was a verification, in support of an election complaint, that the lawyers wanted Trump to sign in front of a notary. But there was no complaint attached to the verification, according to two sources with direct knowledge of the document.
  • And the complaint, at that point, had not yet been finalized. The lawyers wanted to get the president's signature on the verification before the final draft was completed.
Herschmann told the outside lawyers he would not allow the president to sign a verification without sound documentation attached, and challenged the accuracy of the state-level lawsuit that had been filed in Georgia, the three sources said.Herschmann complained to multiple people in and out of the White House that he thought this request was "crazy."
Axios has not yet established how Trump came to sign the verification or who presented him with the document to do so.

The big picture:
  • Together, the emails obtained by Axios and those reviewed by Judge Carter show that at least two of Trump's attorneys — Herschmann and Eastman — explicitly raised concerns about having the president sign a sworn statement making specific claims about voter fraud that were inaccurate.
Flashback:
  • In the final weeks of Trump's term, Herschmann grew exasperated by the conspiracy theorists and fringe legal activists that the president surrounded himself with as he sought to cling to power.In a taped deposition played during a Jan. 6 hearing this summer, Herschmann testified that he told Eastman the day after the Capitol riot: "I only want to hear two words coming out of your mouth from now on, 'orderly transition'."
  • Herschmann told the committee Eastman eventually repeated the words back to him.
  • "Now I'm going to give you the best free legal advice you're ever getting in your life," Herschmann testified he added. "Get a great f'ing criminal defense lawyer. You're gonna need it."

Thursday, September 22, 2022

About Judge Cannon

I'll probably go on referring to judges like Aileen Cannon as "Trump's own", but I want to keep in mind that while 45* had to sign off on all of their appointments - for the sake of official protocol - most of these Smarmspace Rangers are on the bench now because The Federalist Society and Mitch McConnell put them there.

Trump is simply a pile of partially animated meat with just enough sentience to hold a pen and sign his name. IOW, he's exactly the schmuck that guys like Grover Nordquist have been salivating for all these years.

That said, looking at her Wikipedia page, I think we get a fair idea of why she's where she is, and what she was put there to do.

FWIW - this was a lame duck confirmation

So anyway -
(pay wall)

A thorough rebuke of Judge Aileen Cannon’s pro-Trump order

From a panel that was two-thirds comprised of fellow Trump-nominated judges, no less.


As U.S. District Judge Aileen M. Cannon ruled twice in the Mar-a-Lago documents case for the former president who nominated her to the bench, many legal experts — including conservatives and executive-power advocates — have strained to understand how she could have reached such conclusions about Donald Trump’s claims.

On Wednesday night, two fellow Trump nominees joined with another judge to provide the rebuke of Cannon’s jurisprudence that those experts suggested might be coming.

A three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit was rather unsparing in unanimously granting the Justice Department a reprieve from Cannon’s order barring them from reviewing documents with classified markings seized from Mar-a-Lago. The stay is temporary, but the reasoning is firm.

They repeatedly rejected not just the Trump legal team’s lack of arguments, but also Cannon’s acceptance of them. Indeed, they suggested it was inexplicable that Cannon ruled for Trump even by her own logic.

The ruling really kicks into gear when the judges address what a 1977 Supreme Court case considered the “foremost consideration” in deciding whether a court such as Cannon’s should exercise jurisdiction in such a case: whether the government “displayed a callous disregard for … constitutional rights” in its seizure.

The judges say Cannon conceded that it hadn’t displayed such disregard, but then disregarded that consideration all the same — and say she thus “abused” her “discretion.”

“Here, the district court concluded that [Trump] did not show that the United States acted in callous disregard of his constitutional rights. No party contests the district court’s finding in this regard,” the judges write. “The absence of this ‘indispensab[le]’ factor … is reason enough to conclude that the district court abused its discretion in exercising equitable jurisdiction here.”

The judges continue, rather dryly: “But for the sake of completeness, we consider the remaining factors.”

Cannon might wish they hadn’t.

On the second test — whether Trump has an interest in the documents marked classified at issue — the judges note that Cannon ruled Trump had an interest in some of the documents seized.

“But none of those concerns apply to the roughly one-hundred classified documents at issue here,” the judges write, before twisting the knife a little more: “And the district court made no mention in its analysis of this factor as to why or how Plaintiff might have an individual interest in or need for the classified documents.”

Indeed, Cannon’s apparent lack of curiosity — best exemplified by her acceptance of the Trump legal team’s claims that the documents might have been declassified without actually stating as much — was a feature of the remainder of the opinion. The judges repeatedly note Trump’s lawyers weren’t even compelled to furnish arguments on some of the crucial matters at hand. And they say that even if they had been, it might not have mattered.

“Plaintiff has not even attempted to show that he has a need to know the information contained in the classified documents,” they write. “Nor has he established that the current administration has waived that requirement for these documents. And even if he had, that, in and of itself, would not explain why Plaintiff has an individual interest in the classified documents.”

They go on to not only rebuke Cannon’s ruling, but the very idea that Trump’s public, out-of-court claims (which his lawyers have conspicuously declined to echo) that he declassified the documents even matters — a crucial point that shouldn’t be lost in all of this.

“Plaintiff suggests that he may have declassified these documents when he was President. But the record contains no evidence that any of these records were declassified,” the judges write. “And before the special master, Plaintiff resisted providing any evidence that he had declassified any of these documents.”


They add: “In any event, at least for these purposes, the declassification argument is a red herring because declassifying an official document would not change its content or render it personal. So even if we assumed that Plaintiff did declassify some or all of the documents, that would not explain why he has a personal interest in them.”

It’s an opinion that brings home virtually all of the criticism of Cannon’s ruling and even of the significance of the underlying dispute over the classification status of the documents. It’s saying both that she got it wrong — and that it’s beside the point.

But Cannon is hardly the only one to suffer a rebuke in the opinion. Trump has publicly claimed he declassified all of the documents, but his lawyers watered that down to suggest merely that he might have, and Cannon accepted that evidence-free claim as rendering the documents’ status as in dispute. Yet judges signaled that they have no time for any of it. Rather, they repeatedly refer to the documents as classified, without qualifying that description in any way.

They refer to “the roughly one-hundred classified documents at issue here” and repeatedly to “the classified documents.” And in their concluding sentence, they twice flat-out call them classified: “The district court order is STAYED to the extent it enjoins the government’s use of the classified documents and requires the government to submit the classified documents to the special master for review.”

It’s the second time in two days that judges have undercut the Trump legal strategy that Cannon accepted, after the special master, Raymond J. Dearie, pressed Trump’s legal team much more than she had on its unsubstantiated declassification claims.

And for the second time in two days, it comes from judges Trump himself recommended.

Wednesday, September 21, 2022

Crumbling Trump

More or less lost in the dust from the beating Trump took at the hands of the Special Master yesterday, was this little item passed by unanimous consent in the Senate.

There may be some hope that Republicans are starting to find their balls - although it does seem to be a rather timid search effort so far.

Dick Durbin (D-IL)


Senate Resolution 775
09-20-2022

I've been more than a little critical of the FBI (and other cops as well) on more than a few occasions. I have never advocated for taking violent action against law enforcement at any level, and I never will.

That said, of course, if it turns out the cops are actually the bad guys, and they're aggressively attacking me and mine, then parameters of the conflict have changed, and the guidance for how to respond may have to change as well.

But the FBI executing a lawful search warrant is not cause to start randomly shooting FBI guys.

We have to remember the founders set this place up after 8 years of armed and bloody conflict, with the intention never to go thru that shit again.

They gave us ways to make the changes we need to make without the need to bash each other over the head with sticks and rocks.

And if we need change, but the system seems rigged against us, we engage in civil disobedience, which requires us to follow a certain process in order to demonstrate the injustice we're protesting.

That's right - we have rules for how you go about breaking the rules. And not one of those rules says it's OK to shoot the cops.

Saturday, August 27, 2022

He's A Bad Man


(pay wall)

Donald Trump Is Not Above the Law

Over the course of this summer, the nation has been transfixed by the House select committee’s hearings on the events of Jan. 6, 2021, and how or whether Donald Trump might face accountability for what happened that day. The Justice Department remained largely silent about its investigations of the former president until this month, when the F.B.I. searched his home in Palm Beach, Fla., in a case related to his handling of classified documents. The spectacle of a former president facing criminal investigation raises profound questions about American democracy, and these questions demand answers.

Mr. Trump’s unprecedented assault on the integrity of American democracy requires a criminal investigation.
The disturbing details of his post-election misfeasance, meticulously assembled by the Jan. 6 committee, leave little doubt that Mr. Trump sought to subvert the Constitution and overturn the will of the American people. The president, defeated at the polls in 2020, tried to enlist federal law enforcement authorities, state officials and administrators of the nation’s electoral system in a furious effort to remain in power. When all else failed, he roused an armed mob that stormed the Capitol and threatened lawmakers.

The Justice Department is reportedly examining Mr. Trump’s conduct, including his role in trying to overturn the election and in taking home classified documents. If Attorney General Merrick Garland and his staff conclude that there is sufficient evidence to establish Mr. Trump’s guilt on a serious charge in a court of law, then they must seek an indictment too.

This board is aware that in deciding how Mr. Trump should be held accountable under the law it is necessary to consider not just whether criminal prosecution would be warranted but whether it would be wise. No American president has ever been criminally prosecuted after leaving office. When President Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon, he ensured that Nixon would not be prosecuted for crimes committed during the Watergate scandal; Ford explained this decision with the warning that such a prosecution posed grave risks of rousing “ugly passions” and worsening political polarization.

That warning is just as salient today. Pursuing prosecution of Mr. Trump could further entrench support for him and play into the conspiracy theories he has sought to stoke. It could inflame the bitter partisan divide, even to the point of civil unrest. A trial, if it is viewed as illegitimate, could also further undermine confidence in the rule of law, whatever the eventual outcome.

The risks of political escalation are obvious. The Democratic and Republican parties are already in the thick of a cycle of retribution that could last generations. There is a substantial risk that, if the Justice Department does prosecute Mr. Trump, future presidents — whether Mr. Trump himself or someone of his ilk — could misuse the precedent to punish political rivals. If their party takes a majority in the House of Representatives after the midterm elections, some Republicans have already threatened to impeach President Biden.

There is an even more immediate threat of further violence, and it is a possibility that Americans should, sadly, be prepared for. In the hours after federal agents began a court-approved search of Mr. Trump’s residence in Palm Beach, based on a warrant investigating possible violations of three federal laws, including one that governs the handling of defense information under the Espionage Act, his most fervent supporters escalated their rhetoric to the language of warfare. As The Times noted, “The aggressive, widespread response was arguably the clearest outburst of violent public rhetoric since the days leading up to the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol.”

Mr. Garland has been deliberate, methodical and scrupulous in his leadership of the Justice Department’s investigations of the Jan. 6 attack and the transfer of documents to Mr. Trump’s home. On Friday a redacted version of the affidavit used to obtain the warrant was released, revealing that the Justice Department asked to search the premises to recover documents because of concerns that their disclosure could compromise “clandestine human sources” of intelligence and because it had
probable cause to believe it would find “evidence of obstruction” at the premises.

No matter how careful Mr. Garland is or how measured the prosecution might be, there is a real and significant risk from those who believe that any criticism of Mr. Trump justifies an extreme response.

Yet it is a far greater risk to do nothing when action is called for. Aside from letting Mr. Trump escape punishment, doing nothing to hold him accountable for his actions in the months leading up to Jan. 6 could set an irresistible precedent for future presidents. Why not attempt to stay in power by any means necessary or use the power of the office to enrich oneself or punish one’s enemies, knowing that the law does not apply to presidents in or out of office?

More important, democratic government is an ideal that must constantly be made real. America is not sustained by a set of principles; it is sustained by resolute action to defend those principles.

Immediately after the Jan. 6 insurrection, cabinet members reportedly debated privately whether to remove Mr. Trump from power under the authority of the 25th Amendment. A week after the attack, the House impeached Mr. Trump for the second time. This editorial board supported his impeachment and removal from office; we also suggested that the former president and lawmakers who participated in the Jan. 6 plot could be permanently barred from holding office under a provision of the 14th Amendment that applies to any official who has “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” or given “aid or comfort” to those who have done so. But most Republicans in the Senate refused to convict Mr. Trump, and Congress has yet to invoke that section of the 14th Amendment against him. As a result, the threat that Mr. Trump and his most ardent supporters pose to American democracy has metastasized.

Even now, the former president continues to spread lies about the 2020 election and denounce his vice president, Mike Pence, for not breaking the law on his behalf. Meanwhile, dozens of people who believe Mr. Trump’s lies are running for state and national elected office. Many have already won, some of them elevated to positions that give them control over how elections are conducted. In June the Republican Party in Texas approved measures in its platform declaring that Mr. Biden’s election was illegitimate. And Mr. Trump appears prepared to start a bid for a second term as president.

Mr. Trump’s actions as a public official, like no others since the Civil War, attacked the heart of our system of government. He used the power of his office to subvert the rule of law. If we hesitate to call those actions and their perpetrator criminal, then we are saying he is above the law and giving license to future presidents to do whatever they want.

In addition to a federal investigation by the Justice Department, Mr. Trump is facing a swirl of civil and criminal liability in several other cases: a lawsuit by the attorney general for the District of Columbia over payments during his inauguration ceremonies; a criminal investigation in Westchester County, N.Y., over taxes on one of his golf courses; a criminal case in Fulton County, Ga., over interference in the 2020 election; a criminal case by the Manhattan district attorney over the valuation of Mr. Trump’s properties; and a civil inquiry by New York’s attorney general into Mr. Trump and the Trump Organization.

The specific crimes the Justice Department could consider would likely involve Mr. Trump’s fraudulent efforts to get election officials in Georgia, Arizona and elsewhere to declare him the winner even though he lost their states; to get Mr. Pence, at the Jan. 6 congressional certification of the election, to throw out slates of electors from states he lost and replace them with electors loyal to Mr. Trump; and to enlist officials from the Departments of Justice, Homeland Security and Defense to persuade officials in certain states to swing the election to him and ultimately stir up a mob that attacked the Capitol. The government could also charge Mr. Trump with seditious conspiracy, a serious charge that federal prosecutors have already brought against leaders of far-right militia groups who participated in the Capitol invasion.

The committee hearings make it clear: Mr. Trump must have known he was at the center of a frantic, sprawling and knowingly fraudulent effort that led directly to the Capitol siege. For hours, Mr. Trump refused to call off the mob.


The testimony from hundreds of witnesses, many of them high-ranking Republican officials from his own administration, reveals Mr. Trump’s unrelenting efforts, beginning months before Election Day and continuing through Jan. 6, to sow doubt about the election, to refuse to accept the result of that election and then to pursue what he must have known were illegal and unconstitutional means to overturn it. Many participants sought pre-emptive pardons for their conduct — an indication they knew they were violating the law.

Other evidence points to other crimes, like obstruction of Congress, defined as a corrupt obstruction of the “proper administration of the law.” The fake-elector scheme that Mr. Trump and his associates pushed before Jan. 6 appears to meet this definition. That may explain why at least three of Mr. Trump’s campaign lawyers were unwilling to participate in the plot. People involved in it were told it was not “legally sound” by White House lawyers, but they moved forward with it anyway.

Cassidy Hutchinson, a top aide to Mr. Trump’s last chief of staff, Mark Meadows, provided powerful evidence that could be used to charge Mr. Trump with seditious conspiracy. In her public testimony at a Jan. 6 committee hearing, she said that Mr. Trump was informed that many in the throng of supporters waiting to hear him speak on the Ellipse that day were armed but that he demanded they be allowed to skip the metal detectors that had been installed for his security. “They’re not here to hurt me,” he said, according to Ms. Hutchinson. “Let my people in. They can march to the Capitol from here.”

If Mr. Garland decides to pursue prosecution, a message that the Justice Department must send early and often is that even if Mr. Trump genuinely believed, as he claimed, that the election had been marred by fraud, his schemes to interfere in the certification of the vote would still be crimes. And even though Mr. Trump’s efforts failed, these efforts would still be crimes. More than 850 other Americans have already been charged with crimes for their roles in the Capitol attack. Well-meaning intentions did not shield them from the consequences of their actions. It would be unjust if Mr. Trump, the man who inspired them, faced no consequences.

No one should revel in the prospect of this or any former president facing criminal prosecution. Mr. Trump’s actions have brought shame on one of the world’s oldest democracies and destabilized its future. Even justice before the law will not erase that stain. Nor will prosecuting Mr. Trump fix the structural problems that led to the greatest crisis in American democracy since the Civil War. But it is a necessary first step toward doing so.

Tuesday, August 23, 2022

Today's Holy Fuck

It turns out Trump had taken hundreds of classified documents on his way out of the White House.

The 'why' question has not yet been fully satisfied, except in the "L'tat c'est moi" sense as articulated by Maggie Haberman last week.

And maybe it's just that simple - "Try to resist attributing to malice that which can be explained by incompetence" - but this is Trump, so there's always a few nefarious angles to consider.
  • Maybe he had to grab those documents to satisfy demands from - oh, I don't know, Putin?
  • Maybe he decided he might be able to use them against someone else?
  • Maybe he thought he could use them as leverage against being brought up on charges
  • Maybe it's strictly commercial - he thought the documents would make for some good auction material?
Who knows?

 
"No documentation has come to light confirming that Mr. Trump declassified the material, and the potential crimes cited by the Justice Department in seeking the search warrant for Mar-a-Lago would not hinge on the classification status of the documents."

NYT: (pay wall)

Trump Had More Than 300 Classified Documents at Mar-a-Lago

The National Archives found more than 150 sensitive documents when it got a first batch of material from the former president in January, helping to explain the Justice Department’s urgent response.


The initial batch of documents retrieved by the National Archives from former President Donald J. Trump in January included more than 150 marked as classified, a number that ignited intense concern at the Justice Department and helped trigger the criminal investigation that led F.B.I. agents to swoop into Mar-a-Lago this month seeking to recover more, multiple people briefed on the matter said.

In total, the government has recovered more than 300 documents with classified markings from Mr. Trump since he left office, the people said: that first batch of documents returned in January, another set provided by Mr. Trump’s aides to the Justice Department in June and the material seized by the F.B.I. in the search this month.

The previously unreported volume of the sensitive material found in the former president’s possession in January helps explain why the Justice Department moved so urgently to hunt down any further classified materials he might have.

And the extent to which such a large number of highly sensitive documents remained at Mar-a-Lago for months, even as the department sought the return of all material that should have been left in government custody when Mr. Trump left office, suggested to officials that the former president or his aides had been cavalier in handling it, not fully forthcoming with investigators, or both.

The specific nature of the sensitive material that Mr. Trump took from the White House remains unclear. But the 15 boxes Mr. Trump turned over to the archives in January, nearly a year after he left office, included documents from the C.I.A., the National Security Agency and the F.B.I. spanning a variety of topics of national security interest, a person briefed on the matter said.

Mr. Trump went through the boxes himself in late 2021, according to multiple people briefed on his efforts, before turning them over.

The highly sensitive nature of some of the material in the boxes prompted archives officials to refer the matter to the Justice Department, which within months had convened a grand jury investigation.

Aides to Mr. Trump turned over a few dozen additional sensitive documents during a visit to Mar-a-Lago by Justice Department officials in early June. At the conclusion of the search this month, officials left with 26 boxes, including 11 sets of material marked as classified, comprising scores of additional documents. One set had the highest level of classification, top secret/sensitive compartmented information.

The Justice Department investigation is continuing, suggesting that officials are not certain whether they have recovered all the presidential records that Mr. Trump took with him from the White House.

Even after the extraordinary decision by the F.B.I. to execute a search warrant at Mar-a-Lago on Aug. 8, investigators have sought additional surveillance footage from the club, people familiar with the matter said.

More Coverage of the F.B.I. Search of Trump’s Home
It was the second such demand for the club’s security tapes, said the people familiar with the matter, and underscored that authorities are still scrutinizing how the classified documents were handled by Mr. Trump and his staff before the search.

A spokesman for Mr. Trump did not immediately respond to a request for comment. A spokeswoman for the F.B.I. declined to comment.

Mr. Trump’s allies insist that the president had a “standing order” to declassify material that left the Oval Office for the White House residence, and have claimed that the General Services Administration, not Mr. Trump’s staff, packed the boxes with the documents.

No documentation has come to light confirming that Mr. Trump declassified the material, and the potential crimes cited by the Justice Department in seeking the search warrant for Mar-a-Lago would not hinge on the classification status of the documents.

National Archives officials spent much of 2021 trying to get back material from Mr. Trump, after learning that roughly two dozen boxes of presidential records material had been lingering in the White House residence for several months. Under the Presidential Records Act, all official material remains government property and has to be provided to the archives at the end of a president’s term.

Among the items they knew were missing were Mr. Trump’s original letters from the North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un, and the note that President Barack Obama had left Mr. Trump before he left office.

Two former White House officials, who had been designated as among Mr. Trump’s representatives with the archives, received calls and tried to facilitate the documents’ return.

Mr. Trump resisted those calls, describing the boxes of documents as “mine,” according to three advisers familiar with his comments.

Soon after beginning their investigation early this year, Justice Department officials came to believe there were additional classified documents that they needed to collect. In May, after conducting a series of witness interviews, the department issued a subpoena for the return of remaining classified material, according to people familiar with the episode.

On June 3, Jay Bratt, the chief of the counterespionage section of the national security division of the Justice Department, went to Mar-a-Lago to meet with two of Mr. Trump’s lawyers, Evan Corcoran and Christina Bobb, and retrieve any remaining classified material to satisfy the subpoena. Mr. Corcoran went through the boxes himself to identify classified material beforehand, according to two people familiar with his efforts.

Mr. Corcoran showed Mr. Bratt the basement storage room where, he said, the remaining material had been kept.

Mr. Trump briefly came to see the investigators during the visit.

Mr. Bratt and the agents who joined him were given a sheaf of classified material, according to two people familiar with the meeting. Mr. Corcoran then drafted a statement, which Ms. Bobb, who is said to be the custodian of the documents, signed. It asserted that, to the best of her knowledge, all classified material that was there had been returned, according to two people familiar with the statement.

Mr. Corcoran did not respond to repeated requests for comment. Ms. Bobb did not respond to an email seeking comment.

Soon after that visit, investigators, who were interviewing several people in Mr. Trump’s circle about the documents, came to believe that there were other presidential records that had not been turned over, according to the people familiar with the matter.

On June 22, the Justice Department subpoenaed the Trump Organization for Mar-a-Lago’s security footage, which included a well-trafficked hallway outside the storage area, the people said.

The club had surveillance footage going back 60 days for some areas of the property, stretching back to late April of this year.

While much of the footage showed hours of club employees walking through the busy corridor, some of it raised concerns for investigators, according to people familiar with the matter. It revealed people moving boxes in and out, and in some cases, appearing to change the containers some documents were held in. The footage also showed other parts of the property.

In seeking a second round of security footage, the Justice Department wants to review tapes for the weeks leading up to the Aug. 8 search.

Federal officials have indicated that their initial goal has been to secure any classified documents Mr. Trump was holding at Mar-a-Lago, a pay-for-membership club where there is little control over who comes in as guests. It remains to be seen whether anyone will face criminal charges stemming from the investigation.

The combination of witness interviews and the initial security footage led Justice Department officials to begin drafting a request for a search warrant, the people familiar with the matter said.

The F.B.I. agents who conducted the search found the additional documents in the storage area in the basement of Mar-a-Lago, as well as in a container in a closet in Mr. Trump’s office, the people said.

Mr. Trump’s allies have attacked the law enforcement agencies, accusing the investigators of being partisan.

The intense public interest has now spurred a legal fight to see the search warrant’s underlying affidavit. On Monday, a federal magistrate issued a formal order directing the Justice Department to send him under seal proposed redactions to the affidavit underlying the warrant used to search Mar-a-Lago by Thursday, accompanied by a memo explaining its justifications.

In the order, the judge, Bruce E. Reinhart, said he was inclined to release portions of the sealed affidavit but wanted to wait until he saw the government’s redactions before making a decision.

Wednesday, August 10, 2022

Gimme My Shit Back, Asshole

The records that Trump took from the White House don't belong to him. They belong to us.

He had no right to take them, and he had a legal obligation to return them. All of them.


WaPo: (pay wall)

Mar-a-Lago search appears focused on whether Trump, aides withheld items

A lawyer for Donald Trump said agents seized about a dozen boxes on Monday, months after 15 boxes of items were returned


In the months before the FBI’s dramatic move to execute a search warrant at former president Donald Trump’s Florida home and open his safe to look for items, federal authorities grew increasingly concerned that Trump or his lawyers and aides had not, in fact, returned all the documents and other material that were government property, according to people familiar with the discussions.

Officials became suspicious that when Trump gave 15 boxes of items to the National Archives about seven months ago, either the former president or people close to him held on to key records — despite a Justice Department investigation into the handling of classified and other material that had been sent to the former president’s private club and residence in the waning days of his administration.

Over months of discussions about whether documents were still missing, some officials also came to suspect Trump’s representatives were not truthful at times, according to people familiar with the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss an ongoing investigation.

On Tuesday, a lawyer for Trump said the agents who brought the court-approved warrant to Mar-a-Lago a day earlier took about 12 more boxes after conducting their search.

People familiar with the investigation said that Justice Department and FBI officials traveled to Mar-a-Lago this spring, a meeting first reported by CNN. The officials spoke to Trump’s representatives, inspected the storage space where documents were held, and expressed concern that the former president or people close to him still had items that should be in government custody, these people said.

By that point, officials at the National Archives had been aggressively contacting people in Trump’s orbit to demand the return of documents they believed were covered by the Presidential Records Act, said two people familiar with those inquiries. Like the others, they spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss details of the investigation.

Christina Bobb, a lawyer for Trump, said his lawyers engaged in discussions with the Justice Department this spring over materials held at Mar-a-Lago. At that time, the former president’s legal team searched through two to three dozen boxes in a storage area, hunting for documents that could be considered presidential records, and turned over several items that might meet the definition, she said.

In June, Bobb said, she and Trump lawyer Evan Corcoran met with Jay Bratt, the chief of the counterintelligence and export control section at the Justice Department, along with several investigators. Trump stopped by the meeting as it began, to greet the investigators, but was not interviewed. The lawyers showed the federal officials the boxes, and Bratt and the others spent some time looking through the material.

Bobb said the Justice Department officials commented that they did not believe the storage unit was properly secured, so Trump officials added a lock to the facility. When FBI agents searched the property Monday, Bobb added, they broke through the lock that had been added to the door.

The FBI removed about a dozen boxes that had been stored in the basement storage area, she said.

Bobb did not share the search warrant left by agents, but said that it indicated agents were investigating possible violations of laws dealing with the handling of classified material and the Presidential Records Act.

Trump aides also declined to share the search warrant with The Washington Post.

Cue the nutballs - and bring on the Keyboard Kommandos.


The Atlantic: (pay wall)

The Bad and Good News About Trump’s Violent Supporters

The FBI search at Mar-a-Lago prompts sincere talk of violence. But some threats remain mere threats.


In some corners of MAGA-land, a new civil war is getting under way. The FBI’s arrival at Mar-a-Lago yesterday evening to collect evidence in a criminal investigation related to former President Donald Trump is the trigger that some of his supporters needed to suggest that violence is imminent. Predictably, the unverified Twitter accounts of armchair revolutionaries circulated claims such as “I already bought my ammo” and dark talk of “kinetic civil war” and “Civil War 2.0.”

Not to be outdone, the National Rifle Association posted an image of Justice Clarence Thomas above an indignant quotation from a majority opinion he wrote: “The constitutional right to bear arms in public for self-defense is not ‘a second class right.’” Verified right-wing influencers got in on the martial rhetoric, too. “Tomorrow is war. Sleep well,” Steven Crowder promised.

The bad news is that much of this talk is sincere. It is intended to intimidate the people investigating Trump’s many abuses of power, and to galvanize and organize his true believers—some of whom already proved on January 6, 2021, that they will commit violence in his name. The latest such propaganda is shocking to read, mostly because the talk of violence comes so casually to Trump’s apologists. It is all out in the open now.

The good news is that some threats remain merely threats. A violent movement either grows or shrinks. Its ideology is not defeated; it simply stops motivating people to action.

David A. Graham: The Mar-a-Lago raid proves the U.S. isn’t a banana republic

Trump has a hold on a party that has been offered plenty of exit ramps from its relationship with him, but he is not Voldemort. He has been isolated and humiliated. Many of the individuals who used violence to support him on January 6 are now in jail. His audiences have dwindled. Even on the night of the FBI search, in the area of Florida that he now calls home, an impromptu roadside demonstration in support of him attracted “roughly two dozen” supporters, the Miami Herald reported. “Roughly two dozen” isn’t a revolution. It isn’t even a rally.

For many Americans who wish for a peaceful democracy and remain frustrated about Trump’s continuing influence in Republican primaries, hope springs eternal that someone or something—Robert Mueller, two impeachment drives, and now criminal investigators—will definitively erase his power. But expecting saviors to intervene is the wrong way to think about how the threat of violence from Trump’s supporters might dissipate. Rather, the danger will be over when violent MAGAism becomes a rallying cry for a limited pool of adherents whose online anger fizzles upon contact with the real world.

A win, at this stage, isn’t that Trump’s troops make an apology. It is that they remain an online threat, a cosplay movement, a pretend army that can’t deliver, whose greatest strength is in their heads rather than reality.

Trump, as a former president of the United States, may be a rather unique leader of a violent insurrection, but that doesn’t make the ongoing, multiyear strategy any less effective. The January 6 committee has adopted a counter-insurrection strategy by portraying Trump squarely as the leader of a violent movement, and not simply the leader of the GOP. But some of his more extreme followers are now turning on one another. Members of the Oath Keepers, for example, have spoken to FBI investigators about matters connected with the Capitol riot—a sign that at least some fear legal penalties more than they fear the consequences of breaking with Trump. If the former president’s legal jeopardy deepens, he will in all likelihood try to raise the level of agitation in the days ahead; he knows how to use language that incites followers to violence without giving them specific instruction.

But allow me at least a glimmer of optimism. “Sometime they’ll give a war and nobody will come,” the poet and author Carl Sandburg famously wrote. And the decline of MAGA looks something like that—just a smattering of people respond to the overheated rhetoric of Trump and his allies. If Trump’s supporters only end up cosplaying a civil war, that itself is a small victory.

Saturday, July 09, 2022

Alarm Bells


SCOTUS may well be in the process of overturning the rule of law itself.


The post-legal Supreme Court

What happens if the Court rejects the rule of law?


The highest Court in the most powerful nation in the world appears to have decided that it only needs to follow the law when it feels like it.

Last December, for example, the Supreme Court handed down a decision that fundamentally alters the Union — giving states sweeping authority to restrict their residents’ constitutional rights.

At least, that’s what happened if you take the Court’s 5-4 decision in Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson seriously. Jackson involved Texas’s anti-abortion law SB 8, which allowed “any person” who is not employed by the state to sue anyone they suspect of performing an abortion after the sixth week of pregnancy, and to collect a bounty of at least $10,000 from that abortion provider. The Court allowed that law to take effect, even though abortion was still considered a constitutional right at the time.

If you apply the logic from Jackson more broadly, any state could pass a law unleashing such litigious bounty hunters upon people who exercise any constitutional right. Perhaps a state wants to make it illegal to own a gun, or maybe it wants to allow bounty hunters to sue any Black family that sends its child to a predominantly white school — and the federal judiciary will simply stand back and let it happen. Realistically, the Court is unlikely to allow these sorts of attacks. But to spite abortion, the conservative majority was willing to open the door to them.

Jackson, moreover, was only the beginning of a Rumspringa of conservative excess led by the Court’s Republican-appointed majority.

In its just-completed term, the Supreme Court overruled Roe v. Wade, permitting states to ban abortions without having to resort to SB 8-style chicanery. It also overruled a seminal 1971 decision prohibiting the government from advancing one religious belief at the expense of others. It all but neutralized another half-century-old precedent permitting federal law enforcement officers who violate the Constitution to be sued. And the Court’s Republican majority dismantled two decisions protecting criminal defendants who were convicted or sentenced without adequate defense counsel, most likely condemning an innocent man to die in the process.

The Court endangered huge swaths of long-existing gun laws, striking down a New York state law that has been on the books for 109 years. And it did so in an opinion that simultaneously fetishizes the “Second Amendment’s plain text,” while ignoring the first thirteen words of that amendment.

The same Court that attacked Roe as “remarkably loose in its treatment of the constitutional text” saw no problem with ignoring half of the text of the Second Amendment.

In what may be the most consequential environmental case in decades, the Court relied on something called the “major questions doctrine” — a fairly new legal doctrine that is never mentioned in the Constitution or in any statute and that was invented entirely by judges — to strip the Environmental Protection Agency of much of its authority to fight climate change.

The Court even abandoned any pretense that it must be honest about the facts of the cases it decides, claiming that a public school football coach who ostentatiously prayed on the 50-yard line after games — while surrounded by players, spectators, and members of the press — was merely engaged in a “short, private, personal prayer.”

It was a singularly alarming Supreme Court term. The Court didn’t simply abandon longstanding legal rules, at times it seemed to abandon the rule of law altogether.

What is “the rule of law”?

I make a strong claim in this essay, arguing that the Supreme Court of the United States is no longer deciding many major cases in a way that is recognizably “legal.” So let’s start by establishing a baseline definition of what constitutes the rule of law and what it means for a judge to act consistently with this principle.

Societies that adhere to the rule of law must apply the same binding rules to all persons and institutions, including the state itself. According to the United Nations, these rules must be “publicly promulgated, equally enforced and independently adjudicated,” and the rule of law demands “equality before the law,” “legal certainty,” and “avoidance of arbitrariness.”

The late Justice Antonin Scalia offered one of the best explanations of how a judge can act consistently with the rule of law in a 1989 essay. “When, in writing for the majority of the Court, I adopt a general rule,” Scalia explained, “I not only constrain lower courts, I constrain myself as well.” Because “if the next case should have such different facts that my political or policy preferences regarding the outcome are quite the opposite, I will be unable to indulge those preferences.”

Scalia’s formulation captures the rule of equality before the law. If a judge applies a certain rule to Republicans, they must be comfortable applying it to Democrats as well. If they apply one rule to people who oppose abortion, they must apply the same rule to people who support abortion.

Similarly, Scalia’s formulation advances the values of legal certainty and non-arbitrariness. While there are extraordinary circumstances when the Supreme Court should overrule one of its previous precedents, lawyers and lawmakers should typically be able to look at the Court’s past decisions and be able to predict how the law will apply moving forward. When possible, the Supreme Court should hand down clear legal rules which enhance this predictability and that cannot easily be manipulated to hand down arbitrary decisions that favor some groups over others.

With these principles of equality, clarity, and non-arbitrariness in mind, let’s take a look at some of the Court’s recent decisions.

Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson is one of the worst decisions in the Supreme Court’s history

There are a handful of Supreme Court decisions that legal scholars refer to as the “anti-canon,” decisions that were so poorly reasoned and monstrous in their consequences that they are taught to law students as examples of how judges should never behave. The anti-canon includes cases like the pro-slavery decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857), the segregationist decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), the anti-worker decision in Lochner v. New York (1905), and the Japanese-American internment decision in Korematsu v. United States (1944).

Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson belongs on this list. It is, as Chief Justice John Roberts wrote in dissent, so thoroughly inconsistent with the idea that the Constitution binds every state government that it threatens to transform that document into a “solemn mockery.” Jackson introduces an intolerable amount of unpredictability and arbitrariness into US law, transforming the constitutional rights that every American should reasonably be able to rely upon into dust that can be blown away by a sufficiently clever state legislature.

So long as Jackson remains good law, no constitutional right is safe.

To understand why Jackson is so troubling and why it threatens literally all constitutional rights, it’s helpful to understand why Texas wrote this law to rely on private bounty hunters.

As a general rule, someone who believes that a state law violates their constitutional rights cannot sue that state directly in federal court. Under the Court’s decision in Ex parte Young (1908), however, they may sue the state officer tasked with enforcing an allegedly unconstitutional law. Thus, for example, if a state passed a law requiring state police to blockade abortion clinics, a plaintiff might sue the chief of the state police to block that law.

But SB 8, the anti-abortion law at issue in Jackson, attempts to cut state officers out of the enforcement process altogether. SB 8 provides that it “shall be enforced exclusively through ... private civil actions” that can be filed by anyone who is not a state employee.

It should be noted that Texas lawmakers did not actually succeed in writing a law that no Texas state official plays a role in enforcing. The plaintiffs in Jackson sued a Texas state judge who would hear lawsuits brought under SB 8, as well as the clerk of a Texas court charged with moving these cases through the courts. If Young means anything, these plaintiffs should have been allowed to move forward with their federal lawsuit.

But Gorsuch’s majority opinion in Jackson holds that these suits against Texas state judges and clerks may not proceed. That means there’s no way to obtain a federal court order halting SB 8.

In fairness, an abortion provider could have conceivably waited until they were sued in Texas state court for violating SB 8, and then argued that SB 8 violates Roe v. Wade in state court. But even if Roe were still good law, this defense is not adequate to protect abortion providers’ rights.

That’s because SB 8 doesn’t simply allow any person who is not employed by the state of Texas to sue an alleged abortion provider, it also permits a victorious plaintiff to collect a bounty of at least $10,000 from the provider. There is no upper limit to this bounty, and an alleged abortion provider who successfully defends against an SB 8 lawsuit can still be sued by other individuals hoping to collect the bounty.

Anyone suspected of performing an abortion that violates SB 8 could be hit by hundreds or even thousands of lawsuits. And they would either have to hire an army of lawyers to defend against these lawsuits or risk being ordered to pay a bounty that has no upper limit. Either option risks bankruptcy.

If taken seriously, moreover, Jackson permits states to use an SB 8-like structure to attack any constitutional right. A state might allow private bounty hunters to sue any journalist who publishes a news article that paints a Republican elected official in a negative light, or it might prohibit private citizens from criticizing the state’s governor. Shortly after Jackson was handed down, Democratic California Gov. Gavin Newsom threatened to sign a law permitting private bounty hunters to sue anyone who “manufactures, distributes, or sells an assault weapon.”

It remains to be seen whether this Court would apply its Jackson decision to a state law attacking the Second Amendment or other constitutional freedoms. But if the Court winds up applying Jackson only to constitutional rights that a majority of its members do not like, that’s an even worse outcome for the rule of law than if it applies Jackson’s anti-constitutional rule to every SB 8-style law that makes it through any state legislature.

The rule of law is the rule of equality; it means that the same rules must apply to liberal litigants as apply to conservatives.

The Supreme Court placed itself at the head of much of the executive branch of government

In its late June decision in West Virginia v. EPA, the Court effectively placed itself at the head of multiple executive branch agencies — above President Joe Biden — giving itself veto power over any regulation handed down by these agencies. In doing so, it fundamentally reshaped the US’s separation of powers.

Many federal laws lay out a broad overarching policy, then give an executive branch agency authority to implement that policy through binding regulations. West Virginia concerned a provision of the Clean Air Act, which requires certain power plants to use the “best system of emission reduction” that can be achieved with currently available technology, and then tasks the EPA with determining what the “best system” to reduce emissions may be at any given moment.

This way, as technology evolves to allow cleaner energy production, the EPA can issue new regulations requiring the energy industry to adopt these cleaner technologies, without Congress having to pass a whole new law.

West Virginia imposed an arbitrary new limit on EPA’s congressionally given authority, which appears nowhere in the Clean Air Act or in any other federal law. Under West Virginia, the EPA may not use its authority to encourage “generation shifting” — that is, requiring the energy industry to shift from particularly dirty methods of energy production, such as coal, and toward cleaner methods such as solar or natural gas. Instead, the EPA may only use its authority to require existing coal plants to install new devices or otherwise alter how they burn coal to produce energy.

To justify its policy judgment that generation shifting is not allowed, the Court’s six Republican appointees relied on something called the “major questions doctrine.” Under this doctrine, the Court explained in a 2014 opinion, “we expect Congress to speak clearly if it wishes to assign to an agency decisions of vast ‘economic and political significance.’” Thus, if a majority of the Court deems a regulation to be too significant, it will strike it down unless Congress very explicitly authorized that particular regulation.

But the Court has never fully articulated what causes a regulation to be so significant that it runs afoul of this doctrine, and, in any event, the doctrine comes from nowhere.

The Constitution does not mention this doctrine. Nor does any federal law. The Court has, in effect, given itself the power to veto any regulation issued by the executive branch of government, even when Congress broadly authorized an executive branch agency to regulate.

Until very recently, the justices avoided such encroachments upon the executive’s domain. As the Court explained in Mistretta v. United States (1989), “in our increasingly complex society, replete with ever changing and more technical problems, Congress simply cannot do its job absent an ability to delegate power under broad general directives.” Until a few years ago, the Court’s decisions urged judges to defer to federal agencies on nearly all policy-related questions.

The reasons for this deference were twofold. As the Court explained in Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council (1984), agencies typically have much greater expertise in the areas that they regulate than the judiciary. And federal agencies also have far more democratic legitimacy than unelected judges who serve for life. “While agencies are not directly accountable to the people,” the Court said in Chevron, agencies answer to a president who is accountable to the voters. And so “it is entirely appropriate for this political branch of the Government to make such policy choices.”

But now the Court has given itself the power to declare any regulation that it does not like to be a sin against the “major questions doctrine,” and in so doing to veto that regulation. That doesn’t just introduce far too much arbitrariness into federal law. It’s also an extraordinary transfer of power away from an elected branch of government and toward a judiciary staffed by unaccountable judges.

The Court does not behave as though it is bound by legal texts

The Second Amendment is unusual in that it states explicitly what purpose it is supposed to advance. It provides that “a well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” As the Supreme Court held in United States v. Miller (1939), the “obvious purpose” of the Second Amendment was to “render possible the effectiveness” of militias, and the amendment must be “interpreted and applied with that end in view.”

Nevertheless, the Supreme Court held last month, in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, that “individual self-defense is ‘the central component’ of the Second Amendment right,” and that gun regulations must be judged according to whether they undercut this atextual purpose.

I don’t think much more needs to be said about Bruen (although if you want to read a longer critique of Justice Clarence Thomas’s majority opinion in this case, I wrote that piece here). The Second Amendment’s text is crystal clear about why that amendment exists. But six Republican appointees on the Supreme Court believe the Second Amendment should have a different purpose. So they decided that the text of the Constitution does not matter. That is the very hallmark of an arbitrary decision.

And it’s not the first time this Court has disregarded legal text to reach a certain end.

About a year ago, in Brnovich v. DNC (2021), the Supreme Court invented a bunch of new limits on the Voting Rights Act — the landmark law prohibiting race discrimination in elections — that appear nowhere in the law’s text. As Justice Elena Kagan wrote in dissent, Justice Samuel Alito’s majority opinion in Brnovich “mostly inhabits a law-free zone.” No lawyer could have read the text of the Voting Rights Act and predicted the specific limits the Court placed on voting rights in Brnovich.

Similar things could be said about most of the Court’s recent voting rights decisions. In Shelby County v. Holder (2013), for example, the Court neutralized a provision of the Voting Rights Act that requires states with a history of racist election practices to “preclear” any new voting rules with federal officials before those practices can take effect. Shelby County rested on a so-called “‘fundamental principle of equal sovereignty’ among the States” that appears nowhere in the Constitution,

Indeed, the Constitution’s text indicates that Congress has broad power to decide how to protect voting rights. Its 15th Amendment provides that states may not deny or abridge the right to vote “on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude,” and it gives Congress the power “to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”

This year, the Court took similar liberties with voting rights law, handing down at least three “shadow docket” decisions that abridged the right of Black Americans to cast a vote that actually matters. In Merrill v. Milligan and Ardoin v. Robinson, the Court reinstated racially gerrymandered maps in Alabama and Louisiana that effectively cut Black voters’ electoral power in those states in half. And in Wisconsin Legislature v. Wisconsin Elections Commission, the Court struck down state legislative maps due to concerns that they may give too much electoral power to Black voters.

The Court provided little or no explanation for why it reached these decisions, but the common theme is that a majority of the justices voted to reduce Black electoral power in all three cases. And the Court plans to hear the Merrill case again in October — most likely so that it can permanently weaken the Voting Rights Act’s safeguards against racial gerrymandering.

The Court claims the power to decide what happened in the past

One other theme from this recent term is worth mentioning. In three major constitutional cases involving three very different provisions of the Constitution, the Court ruled that judges must look to historical practice when interpreting the nation’s founding document.

In the Bruen guns case, the Court held that “the government must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation” if it wishes to defend a gun law against a Second Amendment challenge. In Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the case overruling Roe, the Court declared that rights that are not specifically mentioned in the Constitution may only be protected by courts if they are “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition.” And, in Kennedy v. Bremerton School District, the praying coach case, the Court decreed that the provision of the First Amendment requiring separation of church and state “must be interpreted by ‘reference to historical practices and understandings.’”

One glaring problem with this approach to constitutional law is that history is contested, and even expert historians frequently disagree about the right way to interpret historical events. So this new historicism inevitably invites arbitrary and unpredictable decision-making by judges.

In the Bruen case, for example, both Thomas’s majority opinion and Justice Stephen Breyer’s dissent waste a simply mind-numbing amount of ink recounting centuries of gun laws stretching at least as far back as a 1328 law providing that Englishmen may not “ride armed by night nor by day, in Fairs, Markets.” In the end, the six Republican appointees conclude that this multi-century tour of English and American gun laws supports the policy outcome preferred by the Republican Party; and the three Democratic appointees look at the exact same history and conclude that it supports the policy outcome preferred by the Democratic Party.

Similarly, while Alito’s Dobbs opinion concludes that a right to abortion was “entirely unknown in American law” before the latter part of the 20th century, the Roe opinion reached the opposite conclusion, concluding that the historical practice was to allow abortions prior to “quickening” — “the first recognizable movement of the fetus in utero, appearing usually from the 16th to the 18th week of pregnancy.” At least some actual historians have argued that Alito is wrong and Roe was correct about this point.

In any event, I, like Samuel Alito, am a lawyer and not a historian. I, like Clarence Thomas, do not have a doctorate in history or any formal training in how professional historians resolve historical debates. I do not claim any ability to resolve what people in 1789 might have thought about laws banning assault rifles that didn’t yet exist, or whether the generation that ratified the 14th Amendment would have believed that mifepristone should be legal.

I will note, however, that the entire judiciary is staffed by lawyers and not historians, and that judges typically decide cases based on briefs authored by lawyers who are not historians. So the Court’s penchant for turning constitutional cases into debates over history is likely to produce a lot of bad history and a lot of bad law. It’s a bit like demanding that the nation’s public health policy be determined by a panel made up entirely of physicists.

And that’s assuming that these amateur historians, now tasked with determining whether the 17th-century jurist Sir Matthew Hale would have supported a ban on machine guns, are acting in good faith. Which brings us back to the Court’s factually challenged decision in Kennedy.

Recall that, in Kennedy, six of the justices couldn’t tell the difference between a “short, private, personal prayer” and a public spectacle even after they were confronted with photographic proof that Coach Kennedy decided to make a public spectacle of himself. If these judges are so loose with the facts of a well-documented event that occurred in 2015, imagine the liberties they may take with truly contested events that occurred nearly 250 years ago.

This Court has no sense of humility

Not so long ago, the Court had a very good solution to the problem that the meaning of legal texts — not to mention historical events — is often contested even by subject-matter experts operating in good faith.

Cases like Mistretta and Chevron counseled judicial deference to federal agencies because it is better for agencies accountable to a democratic president to resolve contested policy questions than to leave these questions to the one unelected branch of government. Other cases, such as United States v. Carolene Products (1938), warned that courts should typically defer to Congress when it was unclear whether the Constitution permits a particular law to stand. The advantage of this approach is that the people can always vote out a Congress that passed a bad law, but if the Court hands down a bad decision, there is often no solution other than a constitutional amendment.

The current Court hasn’t simply abandoned these doctrines of deference, it appears to be replacing them with new doctrines that don’t so much constrain judicial power as require judges to rely on historical sources when striking down laws that those judges don’t like. In cases involving federal agencies, that can mean the new doctrines require judges to use the magic words “major question” whenever they want to veto a regulation.

And this new era of judicial self-empowerment is only just beginning.