Nov 2, 2023

Today's Asshole Rich Guy


Gettin' pretty fuckin' sick of these rich legacy pukes ignoring the law and just doing whatever the fuck they please.


Cielo Vista Ranch ordered to stop construction of 8-foot-high fence around treasured San Luis Valley property

Fence by billionaire violates Costilla County rules, raises environmental concerns, hinders access for land rights holders and wildlife


It took a ruling this month from District Court Judge Crista Newmyer-Olsen to halt construction of a perimeter fence around Cielo Vista Ranch in the Culebra section of the Sangre de Cristos near the town of San Luis.

Billionaire owner William Harrison had been disregarding a moratorium issued by Costilla County commissioners on the fence construction. The moratorium came after Harrison entered into a settlement agreement, signed by his vice president William T. White, with Costilla County to follow the county’s permitting process before continuing with construction.

He didn’t stop the fence construction and now the district court has stepped in with an injunction until Newmyer-Olsen can hear from both parties.

This lawsuit stems from the ranch’s construction of “thousands of feet” of an 8-foot-tall fence in sections of the property.

“CVR (Cielo Vista Ranch) did not comply with the moratorium and has continued to erect the fence. Thousands of feet of fence have been constructed since Sept. 7, 2023,” Newmyer-Olsen wrote in her ruling.

Jamie Cotter, an attorney for the owner of the ranch, also known as La Sierra, told Alamosa Citizen via email that “We are not authorized to speak about this matter because litigation is pending.”

Harrison, a scion to one of Texas’s largest oil fortunes, acquired the 83,000-acre Cielo Vista Ranch in 2017, shortly after it was listed for $105 million. The property includes the 14,047-foot Culebra Peak and 18 13,000-foot peaks along the jagged Sangre de Cristo range.

The property is at the center of Colorado’s most storied range war. The longest-running civil litigation in the state involves historical access to homesteaders of the San Luis Valley dating back to before Colorado was a state.

The owners before Harrison had spent decades fighting locals who secured access to the property through a historic land grant and wanted to use the land for grazing and collecting firewood. A 2002 Colorado Supreme Court decision launched a 15-year process to identify and certify access to about 6,400 parcels of land for nearly 5,000 descendants of Spanish and Mexican homesteaders who colonized the San Luis Valley.

Harrison challenged the 2002 decision after the certification process was completed. He argued that locals had used machinery to build access roads on his property and he closed 19 village access gates. In his appeal, he said several miles of fence had been removed and his managers had caught ATV riders and anglers trespassing on the ranch.

The Colorado Court of Appeals in 2018 denied Harrison’s appeal of the implementation of the 2002 ruling. Harrison began negotiations with locals about restoring historic access in 2019 and a Costilla County District judge in 2021 ruled that Harrison could not restrict access to residents with historic rights and ordered the locals and ranch owner to figure out an access plan.

Jack Taylor, a lumber baron who acquired the ranch in 1960, spent decades building a fence around the property. Locals sued Taylor in 1981, saying the fence prohibited their historic access, sparking what would become Colorado’s longest-running lawsuit.

A moratorium on fences in Costilla County

Costilla County currently has a moratorium on fences higher than 5 feet, which the ranch’s counsel has said is “moot.” The moratorium expires on March 5, 2024, unless Costilla County renews it.

Newmyer-Olsen issued an analysis and order granting Costilla County’s motion for a preliminary injunction. The preliminary injunction has been granted before any kind of trial to preserve the status quo — making sure the land rights holders and wildlife have continued and unabated access, as was granted to them in the Sangre De Cristo Land Grant — to the nearly 80,000 acre ranch. In her analysis, Newmyer-Olsen declared that the moratorium is not moot and must be followed by the ranch.

Due to the issuing of the preliminary injunction, a petition is currently being circulated. The petition not only calls on the county commissioners to continue to fight the fence, but calls on help from members of government organizations from around the state, including Gov. Jared Polis, state Sen. Cleave Simpson, state Rep. Matt Martinez, U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert, and members of U.S. Fish and Wildlife and Colorado Parks and Wildlife.

The fence construction also violates a settlement agreement that was signed by Costilla County and Cielo Vista Ranch on Nov. 1, 2022. This agreement was drafted and put in place after the ranch began constructing an 8-foot fence near an area known as the Morada in late 2021. After the settlement agreement was signed, construction began on a new fence in an area known as El Pozo – a meadow on the northeast boundary of the ranch.

There is concern for the ecosystem in this area because large machinery has been moved in and out to construct the fence. According to court documents, Cielo Vista Ranch waits for a period of time to see if the area revegetates naturally; if it doesn’t, they seed it. However, these practices remain unclear.

A special meeting was held on Sept. 7 to address the fence issue with members of the public testifying to the county commissioners. Members of the public raised their concerns for wildlife migration of both small and large game, erosion caused by road grading and movement of heavy equipment, as well their fears for what implications the fence has on their access rights.

As a result of this meeting, the moratorium was issued and adopted through a county resolution. On Oct. 9, amendments to the Costilla County Land Use code were made by the planning commission.

Two court hearings were held, on Oct. 9 and Oct. 12. During these hearings, evidence and arguments were made by Costilla County representatives as well as Cielo Vista Ranch counsel. Ranch counsel stated that they submitted applications that are required by the newly adopted rules.

In Newmyer-Olsen’s analysis, she presents a series of issues that were raised, without the help of expert testimony, such as erosion in the Morada and geohydrology in the Pozo, and how the fence may affect wildlife. Expert testimony isn’t needed at preliminary hearings such as these, but she concluded that “common sense” still dictates that “erection of a high fence within a wildlife habitat will affect the wildlife therein.”

She also wrote that testimony of observed erosion was “largely uncontested.”

Tall fences necessary to keep bison in, trespassers out
Carlos DeLeon, the ranch manager, told the court the reason for the fences is to keep the ranch’s bison within its boundaries and to keep trespassers out. He agreed that elk and deer cannot easily get over the high fence and told the court that the ranch would construct deer jumps, which are at “DeLeon’s discretion based upon his observations” of where elk and deer travel the most. However, he also said that deer jumps won’t be installed until after the fence is finished.

There was no testimony from the ranch representatives on their plans for the fence, how much they plan to install, when it will be finished, or a timeline for any deer jump installation. “There was certainly no testimony that fence construction had ceased,” Newmyer-Olsen wrote. She wrote that the evidence the court heard indicated that construction was “ongoing” and two separate crews had been working on the fence since the date “the moratorium [was] issued.”

Newmyer-Olsen was asked to force the ranch to remediate the fence that was constructed up until that point, but she declined to do so. Her order stops the ranch and any of its representatives or contractors from violating the moratorium during “the pendency of this lawsuit.”

However, despite her lack of a remediation order, she alluded to the county’s policing power and legal authority to enforce land use violations.

Ben Doon, Costilla County’s chief administrative officer, spoke with Alamosa Citizen over the phone on Tuesday about the moratorium and settlement agreement.

He said the county is in the process of lifting the moratorium with the newly adopted land use regulations, but public hearings and more legal notices are required before that can happen.

“They’ve been doing this for a while,” he said, when asked how the ranch was able to construct so much fence. Construction began in earnest in late 2021, and at first “they weren’t getting any permits.” Doon said the county had to “kind of struggle” with the ranch to get construction and road grading permits from them.

Then in the summer of 2022, the county commissioners began hearing complaints from residents. At that time, the commissioners drafted the settlement agreement. Doon said the ranch agreed and said they would comply with concerns.

As time went on, Doon said, the fence construction continued, and continued to be “more and more in people’s backyards.”

Parts of the Cielo Vista Ranch border unincorporated land and is in fairly remote mountain terrain. However, much of that boundary is right up against private residences. “More recently, the fences have been built right in the backyard” of people’s properties, he said.

Doon said after new “rounds of scrutiny” the ranch did get permits and was complying, but when it came to changing construction techniques, it was “the same old business as usual.”

The fence’s height is one issue, but the holes in the fence are another issue. Toward the bottom of the fence openings are less than 4 inches, meaning most small animals are unable to come and go.

Doon said that members of the public began bringing photos of erosion to the county commissioners, which resulted in the moratorium.

After the moratorium was passed, Doon said, the ranch basically “thumbed their nose” at the moratorium. That’s when the Costilla County attorney filed a motion for a preliminary injunction.

Would Costilla County continue to sue the ranch to stop progress on the fence, if it came to that?

“That seems to be the only way CVR will listen,” Doon said. “They won’t listen when the county does something, but if the court tells them they have to. The reality is, we have limited resources. We cannot spend, spend, spend on attorneys like the owner of the Cielo Vista Ranch can.”


Colorado Sun staff writer Jason Blevins contributed to this story written by the Alamosa Citizen, a member-supported newsroom covering the San Luis Valley of Colorado.

Nov 1, 2023

Buck Bows Out

Ken Buck is a card-carrying member of the Freedom Caucus in the US House of Representatives. Unfortunately - for him - he's not down with "The election was stolen from Trump" or "Let's impeach Biden".

So he won't stand for re-election. Which opens a primary to give Colorado voters a shot at picking a Republican who isn't totally bat-shit crazy - which is exactly what would happen if he stayed in it. Voters could choose a semi-nutty Buck instead of some rabid MAGA dingleberry. So I don't know how to read this at all.


Somebody tell me: What the fuck's the difference here?


Congressman Ken Buck won’t run for reelection in 2024, citing GOP’s embrace of election conspiracies

Buck, who was first elected to the House in 2014, cited Republicans’ embrace of election conspiracies as part of his reason for leaving Congress


U.S. Rep. Ken Buck announced Wednesday that he won’t run for reelection to a sixth term in 2024, citing the GOP’s embrace of election conspiracies and Congress’ inability to get work done.

The Windsor Republican’s decision, first announced on MSNBC, is certain to set off a fierce race to replace him in Colorado’s 4th Congressional District, a highly conservative part of the state that spans across the Eastern Plains into Castle Rock.

“I have decided that it is time for me to do some other things,” Buck, 64, told reporter Andrea Mitchell on her show Wednesday. “I have always been disappointed with our inability in Congress to deal with major issues and I’m also disappointed that the Republican Party continues to rely on this lie that the 2020 election was stolen.”

He added: “If we’re going to solve some difficult problems we’ve got to deal with some very unpleasant lies.”

In a video posted to his YouTube page, Buck, who was first elected to the House in 2014, thanked his constituents for their support “as we have fought against the left’s policies that have had real world consequences.”

“Our nation is on a collision course with reality,” Buck said. “A steadfast commitment to truth, even uncomfortable truths, is the only way forward. Too many Republican leaders are lying to America claiming that the 2020 election was stolen, describing Jan. 6 as an unguided tour of the Capitol, and asserting that the ensuing prosecutions are a weaponization of our justice system. These insidious narratives read widespread cynicism and erode Americans confidence in the rule of law.”

Buck said “it is impossible for the Republican Party to confront our problems and offer a course correction for the future while being obsessively fixated on retribution and vengeance for contrived injustices of the past.”

The congressman’s announcement wasn’t exactly shocking news. He has been raising eyebrows and drawing conservatives’ ire for months for making the rounds on TV news shows to criticize fellow Republicans, including over the House GOP’s pursuit of an impeachment inquiry into President Joe Biden.

Buck also voted against U.S. Rep. Jim Jordan’s bid to become speaker, citing the Ohio Republican’s participation in efforts to overturn the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. But Buck then backed Speaker Mike Johnson’s bid to lead the House, despite the Louisiana Republican’s leading role in objecting to the 2020 results.

The difference between Jordan and Johnson, Buck told CNN, is that Jordan “did a number of things that were election denialism in their highest degree,” including texting White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows a legal theory on how Congress could block Biden’s win and talking to President Donald Trump during the Jan. 6 riot.

“Jim Jordan was involved in much of the post-election activity,” Buck said. “Mike Johnson was not. (Johnson) voted to decertify (the election results), absolutely. That wasn’t my vote, but we need to move forward. We have some important business.”

Buck added that it wasn’t OK for Johnson to vote to decertify the 2020 presidential election results, but “we’re at a point now where we need to move forward and make sure the government stays open — that we fund Israel, we fund Ukraine, we fund the border efforts. And that’s going to take a human being in that speaker position. Not a perfect human being, but a Mike Johnson, who has done his very best to move issues forward and is a really good person.”

Buck has been a staple in Colorado’s Republican politics for decades.

Buck was elected Weld County’s district attorney in 2004. He went on to be the GOP nominee for U.S. Senate in 2010, running unsuccessfully against Democratic U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet, who was appointed to the seat in 2009.

He lost by nearly 30,000 votes in a year when Republicans took over both the U.S. House and Senate. Some attributed Buck’s narrow loss to his handling of a rape case as district attorney.

In 2013, Buck initiated another run for U.S. Senate but dropped out of the contest when Republican U.S. Rep. Cory Gardner entered the contest, running instead for Gardner’s seat. Buck was then elected to the House in 2014 and served as Colorado Republican Party chairman in 2019 and 2020.

But Buck’s long tenure in the upper echelons of the state’s Republican ranks have not made him immune from criticism as of late. The Colorado GOP, now under the leadership of Dave Williams, a 2020 election denier, has blasted Buck for his opposition to Jordan’s speakership bid and unwillingness to go along with he impeachment inquiry.

The congressman also said he received death threats and was being evicted from his office, owned by a major GOP donor, for refusing to back Jordan.

Buck is leaving Congress at a time when other Republicans, including U.S. Sen. Mitt Romney, of Utah, are opting against reelection, too, because of election conspiracies.

Buck said his departure from the House, however, won’t be his departure from politics.

“I’m not going to be leaving the party and I’m not going to be leaving my role in trying to talk truth to the public,” Buck told Andrea Mitchell.

Among the Republicans rumored to be interested in running for Buck’s seat are
  • State Rep. Richard Holtorf, R-Akron
  • Heidi Ganahl, a former CU regent who ran unsuccessfully for governor in 2022
  • Deb Flora, a conservative talk radio host and failed 2022 U.S. senate candidate
  • Former Colorado GOP Chairwoman Kristi Burton Brown
  • Former 18th Judicial District Attorney George Brauchler
  • Former state Sen. Jerry Sonnenberg, who is now a Logan County commissioner
  • Former Colorado House Minority Leader Patrick Neville of Castle Rock
Buck beat Democrat Ike McCorkle by 24 percentage points in 2022.

Go Colorado

When push comes to shove, I want this Kirschner guy on my side.


Why Are We So Cynical?

Because every time we try not to do that sweeping generalization thing (ie: "all Republicans are phonies and crooks"), another one turns out to be a phony and a crook.

It's getting to be unavoidable.



House Speaker Mike Johnson was once the dean of a Christian law school.
It never opened its doors


WASHINGTON (AP) — Before House Speaker Mike Johnson was elected to public office, he was the dean of a small Baptist law school that didn’t exist.

The establishment of the Judge Paul Pressler School of Law was supposed to be a capstone achievement for Louisiana College, which administrators boasted would “unashamedly embrace” a “biblical worldview.” Instead, it collapsed roughly a decade ago without enrolling students or opening its doors amid infighting by officials, accusations of financial impropriety and difficulty obtaining accreditation, which frightened away would-be donors.

There is no indication that Johnson engaged in wrongdoing while employed by the private college, now known as Louisiana Christian University. But as a virtually unknown player in Washington, the episode offers insight into how Johnson navigated leadership challenges that echo the chaos, feuding and hard-right politics that have come to define the Republican House majority he now leads.

The chapter is just the latest to surface since the four-term congressman’s improbable election as speaker last week following the ouster of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, a reminder of his longstanding ties to the Christian right, which is now a dominant force in GOP politics.

Johnson’s office declined to make him available for an interview and did not offer comment for this story.

“The law school deal was really an anomaly,” said Gene Mills, a longtime friend of Johnson’s. “It was a great idea. But due to issues that were out of Mike’s hands that came unraveled.”

J. Michael Johnson Esq., as he was then known professionally, was hired in 2010 to be the “inaugural dean” of the Judge Paul Pressler School of Law, named for a Southern Baptist Convention luminary who was instrumental in the faith group’s turn to the political right in the 1980s. The board of trustees who brought Johnson onboard included Tony Perkins, a longtime mentor who is now the president of the Family Research Council in Washington, a powerhouse Christian lobbying organization that the Southern Poverty Law Center classifies as an anti-gay “hate group.”

In early public remarks, Johnson predicted a bright future for the school, and college officials hoped it would someday rival the law school at Liberty University, the evangelical institution founded by the Rev. Jerry Falwell.

“From a pure feasibility standpoint,” Johnson said, “I’m not sure how this can fail.” According to the Daily Town Talk, a newspaper in Alexandria, Louisiana, he added that it looked “like the perfect storm for our law school.”

Reality soon intruded.

For several years before Johnson’s arrival, the college had been in a state of turmoil following a board takeover by conservatives who felt the school had become too liberal. They implemented policies that restricted academic freedoms, including the potential firing of instructors whose curriculum touched upon sexual morality or teachings contradictory to the Bible.

The school’s president and other faculty resigned, and the college was placed on probation by an accreditation agency.

But a shale oil boom in the area also brought a wave of prosperity from newly enriched donors. And school officials, led by president Joe Aguillard, had grand ambitions beyond just the law school, which included opening a medical school, a film school and making a movie adaptation of the 1960s pastoral comedy TV show “Green Acres.”

Bringing Johnson into the school’s leadership helped further those ambitions. As dean of the proposed law school, Johnson embarked on a major fundraising campaign and described a big-dollar event in Houston with former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, then-Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal and Pressler, according to an account Johnson wrote in a 2011 alumni magazine.

But he struggled to draw an adequate amount of cash while drama percolated behind the scenes. That culminated in a flurry of lawsuits, including a whistleblower claim by a school vice president, who accused Aguillard of misappropriating money and lying to the board, according to court records.

A law firm brought in to conduct an investigation later concluded in a 2013 report that Aguillard had inappropriately diverted funds to a school the institution hoped to build in Africa, as well as for personal expenses.

Aguillard declined to comment on Tuesday, citing health reasons.

Meanwhile, the historic former federal courthouse in Shreveport that was selected as the law school’s campus required at least $20 million in renovations. The environment turned untenable after the school was denied accreditation to issue juris doctorate degrees and major donors backed away from their financial pledges.

“Mike worked diligently to assemble a very elite faculty and curriculum,” said Gilbert Little, who was involved in the effort. But “fundraising for a small private college is very, very difficult.”

Johnson resigned in the fall of 2012 and went back to litigating for Christian causes. He also started a new pro-bono firm, Freedom Guard, which Perkins served as a director, business filings show.

Five years later, Pressler, the school’s namesake, was sued in a civil case that has since grown to include allegations of abuse by multiple men who say he sexually assaulted them, some when they were children. The matter, which is still pending in court, helped spark a broader reckoning by the Southern Baptist Convention over its handling of claims of sexual abuse.

Little said the school was named after Pressler because he had a close relationship with the institution’s leaders. Johnson didn’t stray entirely from the school. He represented the college for six more years in a case challenging a mandate in then-President Barack Obama’s health care law that required employers to provide workers access to birth control, court records show.

It was the type of case that has defined his legal career.

The 51-year-old Johnson was born in Shreveport, Louisiana, the eldest of four children in what he has described as a “traditional Christian household.” Tragedy struck when Johnson was 12.

His father, Pat, a Shreveport firefighter and hazardous materials specialist, was critically injured when ammonia gas leaking inside a cold storage facility exploded during an emergency repair — leaving him permanently disabled, while killing his partner.

“None of our lives would ever be the same again,” his son wrote years later in a commentary piece published in the Shreveport Times.

Johnson and his wife, Kelly, married in 1999, entering into a covenant marriage, which both have touted for the difficulty it poses to obtaining a divorce, and the couple served as a public face of an effort by evangelical conservatives to promote such marriages. In 2005, Kelly Johnson told ABC News that she viewed anything less as “marriage-light.”

Johnson has said he was the first in his family to graduate college, enrolling at Louisiana State University, where he earned a law degree in 1998. He also worked on the 1996 Senate campaign of Louis “Woody” Jenkins, where he had an early brush with a contested election.

Jenkins, a conservative state lawmaker, narrowly lost to Democrat Mary Landrieu amid allegations of voter fraud, including ballots cast by dead people and voters who were paid. A subsequent investigation by the Senate’s then-Republican majority found no evidence “to prove that fraud or irregularities affected the outcome of the election.”

But in the wake of Trump’s 2020 election loss, which Johnson played a leading role in disputing, the congressman offered a differing view of the decades-old contest while describing himself as a young law student “carrying around everyone’s briefcases.”

“Even though we had all the evidence all wrapped up,” Johnson, told Louisiana radio host Moon Griffon in 2020, the Senate “put it in a closet and never looked at it again.”

Even though Jenkins lost, Johnson drew notice from conservative activists who worked on the campaign.

Among them was Perkins, the founder of the Louisiana Family Forum, who has long promoted an existential clash between pious Christians and decadent liberals. He did not respond to a request for comment.

Mills, a longtime Perkins confidant who now leads the Louisiana Family Forum, called Johnson’s ascension to House speaker “a wonderful day in America,” adding, “if you don’t believe God is at work in the midst of this, then you aren’t paying attention.”

Of his initial interactions with Johnson, Mills said, “he just glowed.“

“The reality is Mike added value everywhere he went. And that was evident from the early days,” Mills said.

Soon Johnson was representing the group and others during his roughly decade-long tenure as an attorney for the Alliance Defense Fund, a nonprofit legal organization still in its infancy, which presented itself as a bulwark for traditional family values.

The group is no longer an upstart. Now known as the Alliance Defending Freedom, or ADF, the organization raised over $100 million in 2022 and conceived the legal strategy that led to the Supreme Court last year overturning the constitutional right to an abortion, among other conservative wins it helped secure from the high court.

Much of Johnson’s early work for ADF was far more prosaic. In court and before public boards, he represented conservatives on issues related to the exercise of faith in schools and alcohol regulations, as well as zoning disputes over casinos and strip clubs.

But Johnson’s vehement opposition to the burgeoning gay rights movement in the mid-2000s soon garnered greater attention.

In 2004, Johnson and the ADF filed suit, seeking to overturn a New Orleans law that allowed same-sex partners of city workers to receive health benefits, which a judge rejected.

He also wrote a semi-regular guest column in the Shreveport Times, where his defenses of “religious liberty” included stridently anti-gay rhetoric, including a prediction that same-sex marriage would be a “dark harbinger of chaos and sexual anarchy that could doom even the strongest republic.”

“If we change marriage for this tiny, modern minority, we will have to do it for every deviant group. Polygamists, polyamorists, pedophiles and others will be next in line to claim equal protection,” he wrote in a July 2004 column, as previously reported by CNN. “There will be no legal basis to deny a bisexual the right to marry a partner of each sex, or a person to marry his pet.”

Another column lamented the Supreme Court’s decision in 2004 to overturn a Texas law that outlawed same-sex intimacy, which Johnson referred to as “deviate sexual intercourse.”

His advocacy did not occur in a political vacuum. Then-President George W. Bush’s reelection campaign was looking to energize turnout among social conservatives, tapping allies across the U.S. to place referendums opposing gay marriage on the ballot in hopes of doing so. It’s a role Johnson leaned into.

In 2004, he represented the Louisiana Family Forum in opposing a case filed by gay rights supporters who sought to block a voter-approved state constitutional amendment that prohibited “civil unions” — a legal precursor to same-sex marriage — and codified marriage as between one man and one woman.

The amendment was overwhelmingly approved in an unusual and low-turnout election, held weeks before the 2004 presidential contest, in which it was the only issue on the ballot. The election was marred by the late delivery of voting machines to the Democratic stronghold of Orleans Parish.

In a legal brief, Johnson chided gay rights supporters for challenging the outcome in court.

“Discontent with an election’s results does not entitle one to have it overturned,” he wrote. Nearly two decades later, Johnson, then in Trump’s corner, would effectively argue the opposite.

Johnson’s harsh rhetoric in the early 2000s surrounding the issue of gay rights contrasts starkly with the amiable image he cultivated following his election to public office, which is punctuated with appeals for “a respectful, diverse society where citizens from all viewpoints can peacefully coexist.”

Yet his arguments often obscure a far more striking reality.

The Marriage and Conscience Act, which he sponsored as a freshman state representative in 2015, would have effectively blocked Louisiana from punishing business owners and workers who discriminated against gay couples, so long as it was for religious reasons — similar to arguments invoked during the Civil Rights era against interracial marriage. The bill was rejected by lawmakers in both parties.

The following year, critics charged that his “Pastor Protection Act,” which was focused on gay marriage, would also create a legal defense for clergy who opposed interracial marriage. Johnson, who has an adopted Black son, acknowledged the point but argued it wasn’t a big deal because opposition to interracial marriage was an issue of the past — unlike gay marriage.

“Maybe there are some people out there who do that. But it’s not a big current issue, I think we would agree, at least in the courts and the court of public opinion,” Johnson said during a 2016 committee hearing.

The bill was rejected by lawmakers in both parties. Johnson was elected to Congress the next fall, drawing his short tenure as a lawmaker in Baton Rouge to a close.

Lamar White Jr., a progressive who wrote a widely read Louisiana political blog, said his interactions with Johnson were always pleasant, even if he “disagreed with everything he stood for.”

“His climb to the top is not surprising considering his personal charm, his charisma and intellect, which were disarming,” said White. “That obscured the end goal and what he was really up to.”

Today's Tweext


Yesterday, Today, And Tomorrow


Go ahead and make your argument that religion isn't just a little creepy.

I don't mean to be crass. I think I get it. We should remember the past, and pay homage to our ancestry, and honor the dead (those who deserve it anyway). But religion comes rushing in and all of a sudden it's a revenue opportunity - a profit center - and it becomes a competitive event. Who can embrace and celebrate death better?

Like I said - CREEPY.

So here we are in the middle of the annual three-day Festival Of the Dead.











All Souls' DayJ Schikaneder 1888


A Question

Did the Dirty Fuels Cartel have anything to do with killing water transport in favor of roads and rail?

Just a thought.


Today's Reddit


You are nine kinds of fucked up, America.
HMF while I cast you out of my personal store aisle, in Jebus' name
byu/theredhound19 inholdmyfries

Today's Parody


I'm gonna cash in on everything, no matter what -
cuz that's how Daddy taught me.

Oct 31, 2023

A Thought


Most people aren't looking for the truth.
They're looking for reassurance
that what they believe is the truth.